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By Robert Goldenberg

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Yosef Yitzchak writes that as a child, he “suffered a great deal” from the servant Yosef Mordekhai, that his parents traveled abroad “more for domestic reasons,” and that his father’s aching “head” and “heart” impelled his mother to bitter tears. The intertextual approach I have suggested in this study prompts new ways of thinking about the nexus between the predominately Jewish field of psychoanalysis and its relationship to religion, and vice versa, at the turn of the twentieth century. Rather than reading these two distinct genres—both offered as the one true narrative to their readers—as incompatible, they can be read as variant constitutions of the same events.

E. (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001), 103–28, and references there at 111 n. 20; Paul Heger, The Pluralistic Halakhah: Legal Innovations in the Late Second Commonwealth and Rabbinic Periods (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2003), 289–309; and David Goodblatt, “The End of Sectarianism and the Patriarchs,” in For Uriel: Studies in the History of Israel in Antiquity Presented to Professor Uriel Rappaport, ed. M. Mor et al. (Jerusalem: Zalman Shazar Center for Jewish History, 2005), 32. 23.

Meir saying that one may mix them on the Sabbath, but it is more ambiguous about whether that was only his theoretical opinion or whether he also put it into practice. The end of the Tosefta adds that R. Meir would never contradict his colleagues, implying that R. Meir did not permit it to others either. In the Bavli version, Abaye asks Rav Yosef why M. Shabbat 19:2 prohibits preparing a wine-and-oil salve for a baby after circumcision on the Sabbath, considering that R. Meir permitted preparing the same formula for a sick person.

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Association for Jewish studies 2010- 34(1) by Robert Goldenberg


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